Game Over

Game Over

Playing is one of the things that accompany each of us throughout life.  Babies enjoy playing with their hands and legs, and as they grow up parents teach them new games.  When children learn how to play and start to enjoy playing parents put new rules and restrictions.  We want the child to know when it is a good time to play, how to observe the roles of the game, and when to stop.

As we grow up we think we know more about playing, and we think we are good players.  In many cases we are wrong.  Life is full of games that sometimes are not understood by us, even if we are part of them.

Last February thousands of Yemenis participated in what was then a nice game.  The game was expected to bring a necessary change to their country.  The game attracted more and more people who had dreamed of good future for them and their children.  People were still dreaming, and only a few of them started actually working for that dream.

Months had passed, and it seems the game is continuing.  What is happening?, how much time do we still need, do we know the roles?, Is the game over?....

 The dreams of people are no longer there.  The suffering made them dream of just last January. 

Losses are tremendous, and if these people do not realize that they have lost, this will create more and more suffering….. 

Game is over, can’t we realize?

The Victims

The Victims

After more than 4 months since the start of the crisis in Yemen things have deteriorated in the last couple of weeks to become an armed conflict.  A group of tribesmen loyal to the sons of Shiekh Abdulah Al-Ahmar (SAA) took over a number of government buildings including ministries, the official Yemen news agency (SABA), and the Water Authority.

After an initial response in which the house of SAA was targeted, President Saleh decided to have a ceasefire.  This ceasefire was apparently requested by Saudi Arabia in addition to a number of tribes’ leaders.  The mediation did not succeed and SAA’s tribesmen moved quickly after two days to occupy more government ministries including the Ministry of Education.

At that point the government forces started to use Special Forces to reclaim the government buildings.   The government forces succeeded in taking back the government buildings after heavy fighting.  The tribesmen moved to some residential buildings around the area of Al-Hasabah (where the main house of SAA is located) and in other areas of the city.

Friday has witnessed many serious developments.  After three days of fighting inside the Capital, the famous Friday payer gatherings of these pro the regime in Sabeen Square, and these against the regime in Siteen Street continued.  The number of people was the smallest in both Siteen Street and Sabeen Square since four monthgs.  The prayers ended peacefully.

One important thing to notice, a number of SAA fighters who were killed in the fighting in Hasaba were brought to Siteen Street where they were treated as martyrs! (Siteen Street is where the “revolutionists” hold their prayers every week).

After the prayers tribesmen were witnessed around the city of Sana’a and gun fires were heard in several areas.  It was another attempt of SAA fighters to spread chaos around the city.  

After a few hours the news came; the President was targeted by shells in the Nahdain Mosque inside the Presidential Palace during the Friday prayer.  The President, The Prime Minister, the Speaker of the Parliament, the Speaker of Shoura Council (a house of representatives), and two deputies of the Prime Ministers were badly injured in the attempted murder, and 7 guards were killed.

The satellite channel of SAA’s sons quickly reported the killing of the President.  Later the President gave a voice speech in which he talked about the accident and confirmed that he was well.

One should take note of a number of important details:

1. The events in Al-Hasabah were apparently a part of an overall scenario to take over the city of Sana’a, and probably take over the government.  Although some claim that the sons of SAA were targeted inside their home this cannot be true for a number of reasons; (a) the tribesmen took over government offices around the area, not only these beside the house of SAA, (b) the number of tribesmen was so large that they were actually able to take over a large number of government offices including the  Ministry of Trade, the SABA news agency, the Ministry of Tourism, the Water Authority, Yemeni Airlines compound, the Ministry of Local Authority, Land Registrar Authority, and parts of the Ministry of Interior. 

2. The forces of SAA used heavy weapons in their attacks including Lu missles and katyusha.

3. The forces of SAA tried to take over the airport and the official TV.

4.  Later the forces of SAA started their attacks in several parts of the city from houses they had rented earlier and equipped with weapons.

5. The attempted murder of President Saleh and other government leaders was the last step in the scenario to take over the rule of the country.

6. It was reported that the speaker in Siteen Street shouted “Allah Akbar” and added “there is an explosion inside the Presidential Palace” a few seconds after the attack.

Today, one of the leaders of the Islah Party (the Islamists party) gave President Saleh 24 hours to give his authorities to his deputy or face the formation of a “Transition Council”.

The “Youth Revolution” is now connected not only with corrupt people who are trying to escape any possible prosecution in the future, but also with gangsters who robbed and destroyed government offices, killed police and security people, and finally are working hard to complete a military coup to take power…..  

The victims are those young people who took to the streets looking for a better life and justice.  They were badly abused by corrupt people, the political elite, and the religious hardliners (who think they are “implementing the rule of God on earth”).   The victims are the people of Yemen who lost hope for a change that will improve their lives.

What is the future of Yemen among all these complications?



Confused!

When the youth movement started in early February 2011 most Yemenis were full of hope.  The hope for a change that will give them a chance to make a better life.  A chance to make justice prevail.  A chance to fight corruption and let those with better qualifications contribute to the future of the country.  For all of these hope thousands of people joined the movement that was gaining momentum day by day.

Later, a different group of people joined the movement.  A group that wanted to take advantage of the movement to gain political power.  This group include the opposition parties included in the Joint Meeting Parties (JMP)- the Islamic Islah Party, the Yemen Social Party, and a few smaller parties.  It also included some groups that are not recognized as political parties, but had been fighting against the government, namely the Houthis and Al-Qaeda.  

The third group that joined the protests were a number of the hard liners of Saleh's regime.  These who have been taking advantage of the regime for decades but felt it is time to jump the ship before it sinks.

The opposition parties do not have the support of the public and they do not have agendas for the future of the country.  Although they formed a coalition against Saleh's regime, they have more differences than agreements.  Over the past period they demonstrated to Yemenis that they will not be able to role a country with so much diversity.  Each one has a single focus: Islah want's to have an "Islamic Caliph" state, Yemen Social Party wants to have a Socialist regime.  These two main players are seen as fundamental movements that will not be able to accommodate others. 

The "poor" youth have continued their movement, which is now 4 months old.  They were supported financially by different groups including the JMP, but have lost both their values and goals.  Although their main objective continues to be "to demolish Saleh's regime", they have lost the support of the public that see no value in a "revolution" that is not bringing justice for all.

One can can immediately spot the confusion among the people in Tagheer Square (university).  The following picture shows Sadam Hussien, Al-Hamdi (a former President of Yemen who came after a coup against the only civilian president), and Shamlan (a socialist, and candidate for president who ran against President Saleh in 2006)..... The picture speaks for itself.... 

The picture  is an example of the confusion among the youth who are using symbols of dictatorship for a people-revolution......

Freedom of Speech

For Yemenis freedom of speech is not necessarily one of the priorities.  It is not the government that keeps them from expressing themselves freely, but also traditions, values, the tribe, the community, among other things.  In this part of the world a word is more than just a combination of few letters.  

Before 1990 Yemenis  were subject to controlled media.  There were almost no private media and even imported media was subject to strict censorship.  Since then things have very much changes.  There are hundreds of local newspapers and publication most of which are private.  The change in 1990 was like a shock to the conservative society.

Initially those who were working for the public media established their own newspapers, but later many people entered this "market".  Many of the new newspapers are managed by people who want to make money.  They do not have any journalism background.  They established many "yellow" journals.

On the other hand political parties established their own newspapers and media tools.  Their objective is to promote their ideas among the public.

In the early 1990 most of the media were somehow guarded by unwritten controls, but very soon these controls disappeared in favor of political and business interests.  This has affected the culture of people that gives high value for "the word"... 

The media was not able to play a positive role in educating people and helping raise awareness, but was able to "make stories" rather than "report stories".  Most of the stories about corruption, for example, were not taken seriously by the public and authorities.  There is no doubt that the media played a major role in the current crisis in Yemen.

The Yemeni government decided earlier to turn a deaf-ear towards what is on the media.  With few exceptions, journalists are free to write whatever they want.

In the current crisis the media is playing a big role.  There is a war between pro-regime media and opposition media.  The opposition media is trying to "get the support of the public to the change movement", on the other hand, the pro-regime media is trying to get the trust of the public.

The freedom of speech has changed how people think in Yemen.  It has probably changed the value of  a "word" in the mind of Yemenis, but not for all of us!

In an unprecedented indecent that happened yesterday, Al-Omaisi, a local poet from Al-Qafr (Ibb) who is famous for praising President Saleh, was kidnapped in Taiz street in Sana'a.  His tongue was cut off.  The efforts to rescue him failed.....

This dogmatic act cannot be left without punishment.....

The Yemeni Game

Most observers, including Yemenis, expected a frightening scenario for Yemen.  They expected civil war at the beginning of the crisis that is now 13 weeks old.  Most Yemenis prepared themselves for the worst during the first week of the crisis.  They stacked food items, reduced their movement outside their homes, and also prepared their guns among other measures they took to protect themselves!

In first few weeks many people decided to keep their children home, while others closed their businesses or reduced the operating hours.  Foreign companies sent their expats outside the country and some gave their employees an open leave.  Many Yemeni businesses also started to lay off some of their employees.

Now, after 13 weeks things are not so bad.  Food items and other basic needs are still readily available.  There are some difficulties in securing home-gas and more blackouts than usual, but the situation is still bearable.

Children are going to school normally.  Many people are going back to their normal routine and businesses are operating until late hours at night.  The streets are almost as crowded as in early February.  The government's strategy to reduce the presence of security forces in the city did not affect the security situation in the city.  

The seceding of Ali-Mohsen and his forces raised more fears about the situation.  It has, undoubtedly, made it more difficult to resolve the crisis, but since then ( March 21) the experience has shown that all parties are very careful about the use of force.

The police forces are still guarding Zubeiry street, having some special equipment for the purpose of dispersing demonstrators.  On the other side of the street, particularly in Sixty-Meter road you sometime notice  soldiers that belong to Ali Mohsen.  There was only a couple of incidents of clashes between these forces and police forces right after Mohasen announcement.

The past ten days were very peaceful in Sana'a.  There were no demonstrations and the tension has gone down tremendously.

The initiative design by the Gulf countries to resolve the crisis did not go through after some dispute about the formalities.  This is on the surface, but in fact none of the two sides was ready to implement it.

Ironically, the "youth movement" and the demands for change were very much popular at the begging of the crisis.  President Saleh has lost a lot of support even from his own party.  The "change movement" was very popular among the majority of people.  The pro-regime people were very much "scared" to announce their position.  The ruling party (PGC) had lost the ability to act.  Saleh was put in the corner and could only give concessions, one after another.

The concessions given by Saleh were "not good enough" for the opposition and change movement to accept.  They were rejected immediately.  Both the opposition and the youth movement were firm, "no negotiations with President Saleh and his regime".

Four weeks ago Saleh decided to call his supporters to go to the streets.  One Friday, after another, an increasing number of Yemenis are demonstrating in support for Saleh.  At the same time, the change movement have lost a lot of its momentum.  A number of factors contributed to that:
1. The filthy language used by Saleh opponents in the media and public has backfired.  Many Yemenis this against their cultural values.  At the same time, the official media of Saleh was able to regain some trust from the public.
2. The seceding of Mohsen, among other former regime officials has weakened the change movement that lost sympathy from the public.
3. A number of opposition leaders failed to present an "alternative" to the public.  In their media speeches they    did not give a "plan for the future".  Al-Biedh, Basindwah, Qahtan, Zaid, and Hamid Al-Ahmar all raised more fears about the future of the country and the possibility of seceding of the south.
4. Some of the opposition parties started to use its members to intimidate the public.  They used speakers of the mosques, they tried to force people into strikes, and harassed, and in some cases physically attacked, those who do not agree with them.
5. The "no negotiation" attitude of the opposition and youth movement was increasingly seen by the public, who would like to see an end to this crisis, as an acceptable attitude.

The Yemeni streets are split these days.  Saleh supporters are now out in the public, and those against him have lost much of the sympathy and support.  Opposition parties were not able to take advantage of the public support that reached its peak maybe in week 4 of the crisis.  The youth seem to have no strategy or plan.

The opposition parties are in difficult situation.  If they eventually accept a political settlement that will ensure fair elections, they do not have the required support to rule, and if they refuse they will eventually lose more supporters.  An alternative is to use the military!

The average Yemeni citizen is the one who stands to lose his/her job.  For how long can these average Yemenis stand?


  

Demonstrations In Yemen

Given the current crisis in Yemen and the attention given by the media to events in Yemen, I find many amazing things are are not reflected in the media.  The media is mainly concerned about the "plot" and not many of the important things that impact the daily life of Yemenis.....

At the beginning of this crisis there had been a lot of fears that a civil war would immediately breakout.  Yemenis have weapons in their position including fire arms, and even before the current crisis, there were a lot of conflicts in which fire arms were used.  Disputes about land is one of the most important causes for conflicts.  In addition a number of groups use arms to pressure the government either to get money or other privileges.

In the first few weeks people were gathering weapons, and getting ready to "fight" and protect their properties against the "tribes" who will come to rob Sana'a.  President Saleh's meetings with the tribes around Sana'a were mostly interpreted as a preparation for the intended raid on Sana'a.

It became clear that the government was aware of the fact that any armed conflict will actually backfire.  The government decided to loosen its grip.  At the same time anti-government movement, including the youth, the opposition parties, and the defector Ali Mohsen and his forces followed a similar strategy.

Although there have been some exceptions, the demonstrations are generally peaceful. Demonstrators are usually dispersed using the common tools like tear gas and water.  Police forces are only equipped with sticks and shields, no fire arms.

I  have witnessed a number of demonstrations in the recent days in Sana'a.  The new "pro Saleh demonstrations" are usually running smoothly throughout the city.  A growing number is participating in these demonstrations as the crisis continues.  Many people stand to watch and picture these demonstrations.
 (pro Saled demonstration, April 19, 2011)

The anti regime demonstrations are different.  They usually originate from the sit-in square near Sana'a University.  Although there have been only a few demonstrations over the past 2 months, the intensity of demonstrations increased since negotiations started between government and the opposition parties.

Here are some observations related to anti-regime demonstrations:
1. Sunday April 17, 2011: I came across a demonstration that was able, for the first time to cross Zubiery Street.  A few thousand people (2000-3000) were going into Al-Jeria Street.  They were shouting slogans against President Saleh and the regime.  While passing they would paint slogans on the walls.  A number of residents were gathering to watch them.  They went down the street and stopped to through stones on a small house.  That house had a picture of President Saleh.  The owner went to the roof and started shooting to the air.  A number of policemen formed a wall to stop demonstrators, and the special cars started to fire tear gas and use hot water to disburse demonstrators.

After 10 minutes the street was clear.  The demonstrators run into side streets and backed up.  There were hundreds of shoes on the street!... Most of the demonstrators were teenagers wearing traditional Yemeni Thawb.  They started to come out of their hiding as police forces were standing ready to disperse them if they come back.  A number of people dropped, a few emergency cars took them to hospitals.  There was no deaths.

All policemen had only sticks and shields.  They did not carry fire arms.  When demonstrators started to through stones, the policemen reacted with throwing stones.

2. April 19, 2011 demonstration, Siteen/Zubeiry street:
A large number of people were coming from Siteen Street going south.  Police forces were standing at the intersection with Zubeiry Street.  The made a wall separating the demonstrators from tribesmen (supporters of Saleh) on the other side.  As demonstrators approached shouting "Go out" slogan tension mounted.

The police started to fire tear-gas and water at demonstrators.  The demonstrators started to back off.  After a few minutes some gun shots were coming from the side of the demonstrators.  The policemen, equipped with sticks only, ran away.  Some sent to the side streets.  The demonstrators followed them.  At that point, the tribesmen ran toward demonstrators....

In the side streets demonstrators were able to capture a policeman.  They beat him till he became unconscious.  They carried him and ran away.....

Fight continues between tribesmen and demonstrators for a while until all demonstrators left the area.

10 policemen were "taken" and "kidnapped" by the demonstrators.

Today, opposition parities are in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, and government team is in UAE.  They are are looking for a solutions for the crisis!

This is a serious development.  Demonstrators kidnapped police forces and took them.  This is raising tension and the relation between the two will never be the same.  It is believed that some third group participated in the demonstrations and kidnapped the policemen.....

The coming days may witness an escalating conflict that could result in more casualties......  The conflict, and demonstrations could take a violent turn!.....

The Media War

The Media War

It has been more than 2 months since the youth movement started in Yemen.  Most people who are interested in Yemen can only rely on the media to learn about the situation here.  Most people, including the majority of Yemenis, have been overwhelmed by the media coverage of the events in Yemen.  They have formed their opinions and attitudes based on the information provided.  Some rely on international sources, and a few on local sources of information.  I would like here to challenge the media coverage of events in Yemen.  I would like to call everybody to look beyond the pieces of news given by the media.  If possible, I would like you to go out to the streets of Sana'a to learn more about what is happening.

The illusion of numbers:

Since the start of the demonstrations against the regime we have been hearing about the "millions" of Yemenis who are taking to the streets.  Recently, since the regime started to mobilize supporters, we have also been hearing about the other "millions" that are pro regime.  Lets pause for a moment to see what is behind the figures.

If we look at Al-Tagheer square (change), it is in the Ring road.  Currently the sit-in area extends over a length of 2200 meters- let it be 2500 given the branches in a few side streets (based on calculations on google earth).  We know that the Ring road is about 20 meters wide.  If we consider that a person will need a minimum of 1 square meter, the maximum number of demonstrators on Friday is 50,000 (if we ignore the curbs and tents)...  Tagheer is 50,000 people MAX

On the other hand, lets look at Al-Tahrir/Sabeen (the pro government).  The length of the demonstration site is about 5000 meters.  The width is 50 meters in Tahrir square(extending over 500 meters), and 65 meters in Sabeen square (extending over 900 meters).  The other streets are between 18 and 25 meters wide.  The estimate is 111,800 people in the whole area (based on a 1.5 square meters per person).... Tahreer is around 100,000 people MAX

In addition to the maximum capacity of the areas of demonstrations (pro and against government), lets look at the population.  Sana'a has a population of 2 million.  75% are women, children, and elderly, leaving 500,000 who go to the demonstrations.  Based on my own observations on Fridays, the number of worshipers has declined by a maximum of 30%.  If we assume that 800,000 people attend the Friday prayers in ordinary days and 50% are "youth" then 200,000 are still going to the mosques.  That is leaving 300,000 to participate in the demonstrations in Tagheer and Tahrir together!...

We did not account for the comers from outside Sana'a.  These people be all estimates cannot be more than tens of thousands (Sana'a has three major roads connecting it to the other parts of the country and roads simply cannot accommodate "millions of people" who come in less than 24 hours)...

Conclusion:

There are no millions participating in the demonstrations, the majority of Yemenis are not there.  and remember that 75% of Yemenis live in rural areas.....

The media war is continuing, raising tension between Yemenis.  The situation is very much volatile and could lead to civil war if it continues.  Yesterday I was near Al-Tagheer square area buying chickens.  The seller was arguing with some people.  He was telling them "ok.... go to Sabeen and get your 5000", one of these people was upset.  They were close to fighting.  I noticed the high level of tension in that area like no other place.  

This tension is noticed everywhere.  When you observe the tone of the language in facebook, for example, you would be surprised.  "hypocrites, infidels, stupid, " from one side, and "traitors, extremists...."  The situation is not different in many other places, especially in rural areas.

 There is a tendency for the media to "exaggerate" and show how "bad things are in Yemen"... The problem is how each side is using the media, and how people are receiving this.  We need to set back and think once more before we make conclusions about what is happening in Yemen.  People need to rethink their positions and believe that they can still live together.

Picture of Rabat street across the Ring road 30 minutes before the Friday prayers (April 15).....

Video in 45 street, Saleh Supporters... Zanga Zanga

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kq3D1MQc38g

Yemen, another Libya?

Yemen, another Libya?

After more than two months since the start of the youth movement the picture of the situation in Yemen is becoming more blurry.  It is not only the regime and the youth demanding its departure, it is much more.

Al-Islah, the most influential Islamic party officially declared a war on the regime.  Al-Islah through its religious wing declared "holy war" against President Saleh.  Al-Zandani, the party spiritual leader, declared this the dawn of the "Islamic Caliphate State".  In a speech in the Tagheer Square in Sana'a on March 1, he asked supporters to continue their "Jihad" until the regime leaves (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nu9mZX3LdJU).  

Two weeks after the speech of Al-Zandani more than 50 demonstrators were killed by gunmen while they were trying to demolish a wall established to prevent demonstrators from expanding their sit-in area.  Following that Friday Ali Mohsen (one of the main figures of Saleh's regime- and a commander of one of the main divisions of the Yemeni Army) decided to "support the youth revolution" and send his troops to protect the demonstrators.

Ali Mohsen has been known for his support for Al-Islah Party for a long time.  He provided them with land and funds to establish Al-Eman University among other sorts of support he has given the group.  The defection of Ali Mohsen (half-brother of Saleh) is seen as a military coup by the Islamic party.

After the defection of Ali Mohsen tensions in Yemen rose dramatically.  Mohsen's main camp is in the middle of Sana'a City.  Military confrontation was very close with the Republican Guards under Ahemd, the sun of President Saleh.

Mohsen is not only a military commander.  He is also one of the main political leaders.  He had been the regime's main contact with the tribes, and he had tremendous influence in the appointment of many governments and officials.

A few days after the defection of Mohsen, the two sides found that a military confrontation was too costly.  Since then Saleh's regime decided it is time to use the same weapon used by the opposition, the "street".  Saleh was able to gather thousands of people in three consecutive Fridays.  This move gave Saleh another reason to resist.

Apart from the Fridays show off of the opposition and the regime, there is another war.  Saleh succeeded in convincing his tribesmen to go for a mediation effort with Mohsen.  Apparently Mohsen decided to stop such efforts when his men fired on the mediation team killing two and injuring others.  By tribal customs this act is considered an offense on the tribe.  The tribes of Sanhan, among others, declared war on Mohsen.

In a separate incident, Mohsen's soldiers fired on a number of cars passing near his military camp while raising the pictures of President Saleh on Friday 8, 2011 killing two tribesmen.

In other parts of the country the situation is deteriorating rapidly.  After Abyan and Shabwah (Al Qaeda), government forces surrendered to Hothi groups in Sadah, Al-Jawf.  Al-Islah groups attacked Marib governorate which is now under their control.

The situation in Yemen is very similar to that of Libya.  Although the main cities are still under government control, the mounting tension and inability of the regime, as well as the opposition to act could lead to a breakthrough of a civil war.  Each side is using its last cards. 

  

Time to Think

It has been about two months since the start of the uprising in Yemen.  The revolution that was inspired by Tunisia and Egypt is quite different.  The youth started their movement with the same demands of the Tunisian and Egyptian youth, to overthrew the regime.  The demands seems legitimate given the failure of the regime to solve the problems of the country, and to meet the dreams of the young generation.

After this long period one needs to ask why has the youth movement failed to overthrew the regime in Yemen?.  There are of course a number of reasons:

1. The youth movement, although popular, has lost its popularity a few weeks after it started.  A number of factors contributed to this.
-First the youth movement was taken over (for the most part) by the (unpopular) opposition parties.
-Second, and after this long time, the movement has not been able to provide a convincing alternative to the regime with a clear plan and strategy (this is particularly important given the diverse composition of the oppositions powers, from the far right to the left).
-Third, the principals and values of the revolution were violated when unpopular (corrupt) figures joined the uprising with a "welcome" from the youth.
2. The youth movement continue to be a minority among the population of Yemen which is mainly rural.  With the exception of tribesmen who were brought to Sana'a by Islah Party and its allies, the rural people have not contributed to the revolution.
3.  Although the regime was hardly hit by the decision of Ali Mohsen, commander of one of the main Army units, to support the revolution, it also made people fear the possible break of a war within the Army.
4. The regime has learned from the experience of Tunisia and Egypt.  The regime demonstrations, keeping low profile, and avoiding conflict and use of force.
5. President Saleh has been trying to find a "way out" through some initiatives giving concessions and expressing his willingness to step down.  This attitude has helped him to keep supporters around him (members of the regime, these fearing the Unknown,  and these observing the revolution deviating from its own objectives).

People are trying to keep up with the situation.  Although many have already lost their jobs and others are badly affected by the current crisis, many others are still trying.

The regime is extending hands for negotiations, but the revolution powers are rejecting.  The past couple of Fridays were showdowns between the supporters of the regime and those against it.  It is becoming more clear that both sides are exhausting their effect limits.  No one is able to go further from here.

Of course the opposition thinks they still have ways to "osculate"  the situation, but the price might be too high. In order to get more gains the opposition needs to risk the lives of many Yemenis.  Without direct confrontation the opposition will not be able to get more support from the masses.

The regime, on the other hand, is trying to buy time.  People in many areas in the country are starting to feel the effects of this crisis.  They are starting to question the way out of it.

Without concessions and "good-will" from the political powers the situation in the country could become more complicated to solve.  The streets in Yemen are now split.  Even within a single household you find people against and pro the regime.  If this continues it could lead to conflict that could turn into a civil war.

People need to start realizing that Yemen is a country for all and that no one can claim it for him/herself.  This is time to think about a way out, not how to get more gains!

The following is a call that could be shared...
http://www.ipetitions.com/petition/yemen/

نداء إبن اليمن - Children of Yemen Call

نداء إبن اليمن - Children of Yemen Call

As a Yemeni, I would like to call upon all Yemenis to gather around one goal, to

 serve our country, Yemen.

I promise to do my best to serve Yemen and I would like to call upon the government, the opposition parties, the youth in the sit-in squares, the elderly, the women, and all of those who were born in this country to forget about their differences for a while and work to find a solution to the current crisis.  I call upon:

- The government to make concessions and adhere to them.

- The opposition parties to consider the gains they have made and work for the future.

- The youth to look at the future and work continuously for change, by giving.

This country is for all of us.  We will build it, and we will work for that.

I would like to commit to this call and work for getting Yemen out of this crisis...

Click on the link below

http://www.ipetitions.com/petition/yemen/

إضغط على الرابط

http://www.ipetitions.com/petition/yemen/

-- نداء إبن اليمن

أني كيمني أتعهد بموجب هذا النداء أن أعمل على خدمة وطني والقيام بكل ما من شأنه رفعة هذا البلد وإني لذلك:

أدعو كل اليمنيين، كل فرد، من العاملين في النظام، إلى احزاب المعارضة، إلى الشباب سواء الثائر منه في ساحات التغيير، أو الذي ينتظر، أدعو شيوخنا، أدعونا نساءنا، أدعو كل إنسان ولد على هذه الأرض أن يترك التعصب ويسعى لأيجاد حل للأزمة التي نعيشها.
الثورة قامت، والتغيير سنة الحياة، ونحن كيمنيين نتطلع للمستقبل الأفضل... فلنترك مصالحنا الشخصية الذاتية والأنانية ولنعمل ولو لمرة واحدة في سبيل مستقبل أمتنا

أدعو النظام: فلتقدم تنازلاتك ولتلتزم بتعهداتك

أدعو أحزاب المعارضة: فلترضى بما حققتيه من خلال ثورة الشباب ولتمضي نحو المستقبل

أدعو الشباب: فليتطلعوا للمستقبل وهو بين أيديهم وليكون سعينا للتغيير متواصل عبر البناء والعطاء

 ليبق الوطن لنا جميعاً، لنصنع جميعاً مستقبلاً زاهراً، لنضحي اليوم.. لا بد لنا أن نعطي اليوم .. أن نعمل اليوم...

 أنا كموقع على هذه النداء أتعهد على العمل الفوري بكل ما أوتيت من طاقة وجهد لأجل أبناء بلدي ولإخراج البلد من هذه الأزمة.....

.
" وقل أعملوا فيسرى الله عملكم ورسوله والمؤمنون"

?Mohsen Or Saleh

Mohsen or Saleh?

 

March 29, 2011

So the revolution is Yemen is clearly different from that of Tunisia and Egypt.  It is now the eighth week since the youth movement started.  People were not optimistic that things would go better, but had expected things at least to get clearer but they are not.

The country is dying.  Oil companies stopped working, most foreigners left, and many people are on compulsory leave.  Many small businesses are suffering, the uncertainty has affected everybody.  People are only doing what is necessary.  The majority are under pressure as they do not see light at the end of this crisis.  Every Friday is becoming a nightmare for the people of Sana'a, and many other cities in Yemen.

The "revolution" came with the principals of justice and the hopes for a change, for a better future for all Yemenis.  The youth movement generated a lot of enthusiasm among Yemenis young and elder.  The Tagheer or Change Square became a symbol for hope after years of disappointments.

The Friday massacre hit the Yemenis hard.  What happened and why?.  Where is this taking us?.  The answer came just two days after.  Ali Mohsen, half-brother of President Saleh and one of the main commanders of the Yemeni Army, decided to take side with the "youth" and "protect them".  He addressed the "youth" and sent his troops to "guard" the demonstrators.

So, the Yemeni Army is not neutral anymore in this escalating conflict.  An armed conflict is very possible.  For at least two days after the announcement of Mohsen most people in Sana'a could not sleep.  Movement of arms and troops was taking place after midnight.  Conflict was very close.

By Thursday the "Pro-change" groups started calling people to gather on Friday for the day of "Crawl" to the President's Palace.  On the other side government, for the first time, called people to go to the streets on Friday to express their support for dialog, and against "disorder".  The regime is now using the same weapons used by the "Pro-change" groups.

Surprisingly, hundreds of thousands of  people turned out in the government demonstrations, about the same number showed also in the "change" demonstration, .  President Saleh addressed the supporters confirming his intention to leave power, but into "safe hands" as he put it.  The competition now is for the masses between government and opponents.  The day of "Crawl" failed and President Saleh won this round.

Following the Friday, rumors were high about a possible settlement.  According to these rumors President Saleh was to step down very soon.  This rumors disappeared after the ruling party (People's General Congress) had its general body meeting and announced that Saleh is not to leave office before the end of his term.

In just two days another Friday is coming.  Rumors are already spreading about the "Farewell Friday".  The pro-change groups are again calling people to marsh to President Saleh's Palace.  Government has not yet reacted to this call.

What are the choices of Yemenis, specially these in Sana'a, this coming Friday?.  

Choice 1: Join the Saleh Group:

Joining means giving support to President Saleh and his regime.  Although people are fed up with Saleh and his regime, a lot of them are expected to show up.  Who is joining Saleh and why?.

1.  people benefiting from the regime including the ruling party.

2. people who are worried about the current fragile situation and possibilities of disorder, these would rather support Saleh than take the risk.

3. people who have lost confidence in the "revolution" which is led by Islah (the Islamic Party), the tribes, and defectors of Saleh's regime.

4. people see the concessions made by Saleh "good enough" to start the change process and support Saleh's call for negotiations.
5. people who think the pro-change group has no real "after-Saleh" plan.
6. people do not trust the Mohsen-led revolution and could not see how the change is possible.

Choice 2: Join the Mohsen Group:
Known as the "change" group, or the revolution group.  People who believe that change is a must.  These who are fed up with decades of Saleh's regime.  These who think a better future is before Yemen if Saleh is not at the top of the country.  Who is joining this group and why?
1. The youth driven by enthusiasm and hope.  These who witnessed the Egyptian youth succeeding in chaning the regime.
2. Opposition party members, including Islah (Islamic), and other smaller parties.  These are people who believe in the ideologies of their parties.  Party leaders do not usually take part on this demonstrations.
3. People who are fed up with corruption and looking for a way out.
4. The Houthis who have been fighting the regime for over 5 years.
5. people who believe in changing the regime immediately and through pressure.
6. Tribesmen loyal to Al-Ahmar family, a long-time ally of President Saleh that decided to shift to the "change-group".
7. Tribesmen loyal of Mohsen.

The Two Men:
Saleh:
- has been president for over 3 decades.
- was president of former Yemen Arab Republic.  He ruled the country through a single party, was able to maintain stability, but has damaged the role of the state and the law and has given much power to tribes.
- was successful in unifying the northern and southern parts of the country in a deal with the Socialist Party in the south.
- succeeded again in 1994 in defeating the former allies in the south after a short military confrontation.
- has given most of the executive power of the government to his family members and allies.
- was able to limit the influence of most of the political parties and dominate the parliament with his political party.
- leader of a corrupt regime that is not able to respond to peoples wishes or change itself.
- Has the legal "legitimacy" and many sources of power to hold on to his position.

Mohsen:
- half brother of Presiden Saleh and his "right-hand" (till Monday).
- promoted by Saleh in the military.
- a military commander in charge of a number of divisions within the Yemeni Army..
- led the war against the separatists in 1994.
- led six wars against the Houthis in northern Yemen.
- long-time allie and supporter of Islah (Islamic party).
- has influence on government as many officials were nominated by him.
- has allies among tribes.
- a big player in the real estate market.  He owns many large land plots and buildings in Sana'a and other parts of the country.
- one of a list of 16 people mentioned by a special committee formed by the government to investigate the causes of unrest in Aden in 2010.  The committee recommended that these people return large plots of land they took in Aden.

Which side would Yemenis take, the new Mohsen, or the old Saleh?

Tagheer or Tahrir? Revolution

ِJust a few week ago I wrote about my experience about Tagheer (change) square, I described it as "Yemen's Ongoing Festival", at about the same time I wrote about my experience in Tahrir square, which was described by many as the "Swamp".  At that time  Tagheer was lively, full of action, full of hopes, full of youth, it was a model of how Yemenis could live together, leaving their differences, and working for a common goal.  At that time Tahrir was the opposite.  It was a typical place of lazy tribesmen waiting to be paid for doing "Nothing".  It was reflecting the "bankruptcy of the Yemeni regime". 

How is the picture right now?.  Tagheer is now guarded by military.  The youth who used to search people and welcome them have disappeared.  The square is now full of tribesmen, in their tents they are chewing, and talking.  Search for the youth!... Where are the songs, dances, shows???... The youth are sitting there waiting for the next thing to happen.... They complain: "they are having negotiations, they are ignoring us, we need to raise our voices".

Two days ago the second man in the military, half brother of President Saleh, decided to "join the youth revolution and -protect them"..  This same man was among the list of President Saleh's family members that the revolution was asking for their trial.  This man has been the right hand of Saleh for 32 years...This same man has been the supporter of the Islah (Islamic party), the main opposition party.

In the big sign of "wanted" people, the name of this man, and others of Saleh's family who decided to "join the revolution" were simply scratched.

Tagheer... or Tahrir?... I am confused.

The Parliamentary System

The Parliamentary System

 

March 12, 2011

President Saleh is bringing, yet, another initiative in what it seems to be the last attempt to solve the political crisis in Yemen that has taken new dimensions after the spread of demonstrations and sit-ins throughout the country.  Because the opposition was expected to reject this new initiative Saleh presented it in a big meeting with his ruling party (The PGC).  It seems that the initiative was an attempt to improve the image of the regime outside Yemen.  It is also a way to defer attention from the growing support for the “pro-change” group. 

The initiative included an offer to amend the constitution, switch to a parliamentary system by the end of 2011, give more authority to new divisions of the country to be formulated on some geographical and economic criteria, and to form a national-unity government to change the electoral law to allow for proportional representation.

This initiative seems to be responding to most, if not all, demands of the opposition.  It is even offering to switch to a parliamentary system, a more advanced formula than was originally demanded by the opposition.  There are, however, many factors to believe that this initiative will be another failed attempt.

The regime and President Saleh have lost their credibility both among the Yemeni people and opposition.  For this reason the initiative is understood as an attempt to rescue the regime rather than to provide a solution to the crisis.  The opposition has no reason to believe that Saleh is sincere this time.  The fact that President Saleh called his own party to announce the initiative could mean two things, one he has lost contact with the opposition (the other side of the political crisis), and two the initiative is nothing but a way to differ the growing support to the pro-change movement. 

The opposition that has gained ground over the past few weeks is now more reluctant to go back to negotiations.  It has now more power to pressure Saleh and get more concessions from him.

Government failed, as expected, to promote this initiative through its media so most Yemenis did not think it was different from previous initiatives provided by the President.  International media did not take note of it.  On the political level the US and the EU did not give it the needed attention.

The initiative failed because it was badly communicated internally and internationally, being an initiative of the President who have given “too many” initiatives in the past few months, presented to the ruling party members and not the opposition, not discussed with the US and the European countries, and coming a few days after Saleh accused the US of being behind the “chaos” in the Arab World.

President Saleh is seen again as a leader who is trying to rescue himself and his regime, for this reason and others his efforts have failed and any future initiative are likely to fail regardless of the concessions.  On the other side the opposition, leaded now by the Joint-Meeting Parties, is not in a position to negotiate with the regime because of the fears of losing the masses on the streets. 

The situation in Yemen has come to a point where none of the parties is able to work with the other.  In such case there is only one remaining option for a peaceful resolution of the crisis.  That is to have a third party mediate the process, but who could play this role?

None of the Arab countries is in a position to play this role.  In addition to the sensitivity of the situation, every Arab country is busy with its own problems.  The US and the West are not well received from both parties.  The only country that I could think of at this time is Turkey. 

In addition to the history which cannot be ignored, Turkey has good relations with the government.  It is also seen as a democratic regime and Turkey’s position during the Egyptian revolution was highly appreciated by Yemenis, including the opposition.  Turkey has been increasing its presence in the region and this is another chance for the Turkish diplomacy to play a role.  Will this happen, or will Yemen be dragged into a civil war?

Yemen- What is Next?

Yemen-What is Next?

Date: March 6, 2011

 

This is an attempt to review the events over the past few months and read the implications for the future of events in Yemen.

The fall of Mubarak:

It is the fall of Mubarak that has triggered some dramatic developments in the already fragile situation in Yemen.  Since that day the number of Yemenis taking their discontent with the regime to the streets has been increasing, in addition to demonstrations a number of sit-ins have been formed in the main cities, i.e. Sana’a, Aden, Taiz, Ibb, and Hodeidah.  To better understand the situation in Yemen it is important to look back to 2009 and before.

The Elections:

In 2009 pressures from the opposition (mainly the opposition coalition known as the Joint Meeting Parties (JMP)), the European countries, and the US on the ruling party, the People’s General Congress (PGC), succeeded in convincing the PGC to delay parliamentary elections and enter into dialogue with the opposition.  The February agreement was mainly about the delay of parliamentary elections for two years.  The purpose was to give time to discuss amendments to the constitution. The JMP saw this as an opportunity to better prepare themselves for fair elections.  The PGC, on the other hand, saw it a way to buy time.

The opposition wanted the constitution to be amended to give more power to the parliament and reform the election system.  Several attempts to reach an agreement failed because President Saleh was not ready to accept reforms that would limit his power.  At the end of October 2010 the PGC practically announced the end of dialogue when it decided to go for the constitutional amendments and the scheduled parliamentary elections without the consent of the JMP.  The PGC was one step closer to replicate what the National Democratic Party did in Egypt, ignoring the opposition and forcing them out of the political game.  At that point of time Egypt was still perfectly stable. 

Several attempts by the JMP to gather support for demonstrations against the regime and what they considered as a “coup” by the PGC failed.  On January 14 the President of Tunisia flee to Jeddah shortly after demonstrations erupted in the country forcing the strong-hold president to leave. 

Leave!:

Demonstrations picked up in Egypt on Jan 25 and the scene of the millions of Egyptians was overwhelming to the whole world.  It was especially interesting for Yemen given the similarities between the two countries and regimes.  On Jan 27 the JMP, building on the situation in Egypt, succeeded in organizing the first demonstration.  The main message of the JMP was to denounce the PGC decision to abandon the February agreement.  This was, however, the first time President Saleh was called to leave. 

“The Day of Rage”:

Things were developing very quickly.  On February 2 President Saleh made a pledge not to run for another term and to freeze the controversial constitutional amendments.  He also introduced a few economic incentives and promised more jobs for the youth.

The steps taken by Saleh and his government did not stop the opposition from organizing more demonstrations.  The first Yemeni “day of rage” called by the JMP was on February 3.  The government was able to prevent the reproduction of Egyptian scenario by sending its supporters to occupy Tahreer Square (Liberation Square).  The opposition was taken by surprise and called its supporters to alternatively go to Sana’a University.  The “day of rage” was a very peaceful day.

The Youth:

On February 11 Mubarak stepped-down and several groups of unorganized youth took to the streets celebrating Egypt’s victory and calling Saleh to step down.  Pro-saleh people also took to the streets, initially confronting demonstrators.  After some clashes between the two groups that were seen as the regime’s use of “baltagia”, or paid people to target peaceful demonstrations, the government decided to protect demonstrators and refrain from using force.

While demonstrations against the regime continued by Sana’a University students (not related to JMP this time) JMP was reviewing Saleh’s call for dialogue.  On February 14 JMP agreed to go into dialogue.  Students’-led Demonstrations were growing as other groups joined them.  They were initially confronted by security forces and they eventually turned into sit-ins.  The sit-in near Sana’a University, being inspired by the sit-in in Taiz City, became a permanent camp attracting everybody against the regime.

JMP leaders were witnessing the progress the youth were making and they turned back and rejected Saleh’s call for dialogue and asked him to remove his relatives from key military and civil positions to ensure that he will keep the promises he made.   The JMP eventually abandoned all calls for dialogue and “joined forces” with the youth groups.  The new demand is the departure of President Saleh from power. 

Saleh Panics:

For the first time President Saleh has lost the initiative advantage.  He was moving hysterically trying to secure allies and defeat the growing “revolution”.  He contacted tribal leaders, met with military and government, and called the religious scholars.  He was repeating one word over and over again “dialogue”.  People in the street as well as the JMP decided to keep deaf ears on Saleh’s calls.

JMP was able to take back the lead from the youth especially in Sana’a.  Islah’s exceptional organizational ability was needed in the growing sit-in near Sana’a University (now known as Tagheer square).  The scene in Tagheer square was changing quickly, first the youth, then other civil groups, now led by the JMP.      

Tensions between the regime and Sheik Al-Ahmar’s sons were growing.  President Saleh lost one of his long-time allies as they broke up.  All the sons of Sheik Al-Ahmar turned against the President.

Saleh also was losing on another front.  A number of his PGC party resigned denouncing “the use of force against demonstrators”.  These include members of parliament and tribal leaders.  Religious leaders called to rescue by Saleh split into two groups when Islah’s Zandani called Saleh to leave by the end of this year.

Tagheer Square:

The scene in Tagheer Square, now led by Islah, was changing again, more tribes, the Houthis, and now religious leaders are joining in.  

Libya:

A number of external factors continue to affect the “game” in Yemen.  The new “revolution” in Libya and its violent shape has probably played in favor of Saleh’s regime.  People are now watching another scenario of the “revolution” and fear that such scenario is more likely in Yemen.

The JMP Game:

The JMP are making use of the “influence of the street” and realizing many benefits.  If President Saleh leaves, they will reap the fruits of the “revolution”.  If Saleh, on the other hand, is able to resist they are still the ones to negotiate with and they will have the option of going back to the negotiation table.

Saleh’s Game:

Saleh is still controlling a number of the game threads.  He is the President of Yemen.  This gives him a lot of flexibility to move.  He has control over the government in addition to other authorities including traditional forces in the society.  His family is controlling the military in addition to a number of key civil posts.  He is leading the ‘still’ largest political party and he has the sympathy of many Yemenis.  

Who is winning?

So what is the game all about?.  JMP are counting on the growing support for the “revolution”.  They think this support will eventually force Saleh to take hard decisions, either to leave, or make significant concessions.  They are not willing at this point to negotiate with Saleh and they think they have nothing to lose.

On the other hand Saleh is carefully watching the development in the streets.  The regime has learned to live with the demonstrations and sit-ins.  Demonstrations and sit-ins are being protected by security police.  In other places like Aden the government decided to withdraw the police from the streets.  This strategy is effective.  The number of demonstrations eventually went down and sit-ins are not growing in the same pace.  The regime is also keeping the option of deploying its supporters to confront opposition demonstrators.  The regime is again buying time.  They think the momentum of the “revolution” will slow down, the different groups will eventually revise their options, and things will become under control once again.

What is next?

There are a number of other factors that will affect the outcome of this game.  First, how will the attitude of the “now neutral” people in the main cities develop?.  These people still form the majority and they could change the balance.  Second, how will the traditional powers including tribes react to the situation?.   Third, how will external factors (the US, the European countries, the Gulf States, the developments in Libya and other places, other international event) affect each side.

Time is an important factor.  In two months the parliament term will expire and Saleh will lose one of its main “legitimacy” grounds.  On the other hand people in the cities of Sana’a, Aden, and Taiz are starting to feel the effects of demonstrations and sit-ins.  The economy is slowing down and many people are losing their income.  Who is to blame?...... The “revolution”. 

The Day of Rage

The Day of Rage

 

March 2, 2011

Like Tunisia and Egypt, Yemen has also its days of rage.  Friday is usually the opportunity for those against the regime to mobilize people.  All they need is to make the call and all it takes is for people to leave the mosques to the gathering points.  After Friday prayer people feel some strength and they are usually more ready for sacrifice.  Egypt has shown amazing response to the calls for the days of rage.  The revolution in Egypt was exemplary and historical in many ways.

Since the fall of Mubarak Yemenis have tried to copy what happened in Egypt.  Every Friday is becoming the gathering time for Yemenis calling for “change”.  In the past couple of weeks things have accelerated as many things happen, and waiting for a whole week is becoming a long time.  The killing of a number of people in Aden last week required a quick response from the change supporters.  There was a call for a day of rage on Tuesday in many places including Sana’a.

It is Tuesday morning March 1.  It is unusually quiet in Sana’a.  There are no children on the streets.  There are only a few cars running in Zubiery Street, the busiest street in the city.  Most businesses remain closed.  A few banks are opening their gates but there are no clients….  It is 9, it is 10, 11… the streets are still empty and most businesses are closed.  Children who went to school are returning home early simply because there were only a few of them that showed up.

Tahrir Square if full of people.  The whole area is closed.  These are the regime supporters.  Thousands of them are gathering.  Their call: “yes for stability, security, and order”.

On the other side of the city, in what’s now called Tagheer Square, pro-change supporters are gathering, with their call for change and the departure of President Saleh. 

The government pushed its supporters to Tahrir in response to the pro-change group call for a day of rage.  It is the regime’s way of keeping the streets under control.  Was it successful?, amazingly, Yes!.   

Between the Tahrir and Tagheer groups, around 40,000 to 50,000 people were sort of having “fun” shouting and dancing.  Where are the other people of Sana’a?

Most people decided to stay home.  Many businesses were closed big companies and smaller ones.  It was an enjoyable experience to take a drive around the City.  Most people prepared themselves for the worst.  People are not (yet) used to demonstrations and they fear that things could go out of control. 

Will Yemenis learn to live with these fears?, How soon de we expect this situation to last?  Big questions in the minds of many, but the answer is unfortunately unknown!.... 

The Security Officer

The Security Officer

 

Feb 28, 2011

As I promised, I went to the “pro-regime” group in Tahrir Square.  I accompanied a friend of mine.  We decided to go just before mid-day.  It is no secret that there has been a lot of criticism for the government about Tahrir.  In addition to the fact that government rushed to occupy the square before the opponents do, they mainly used a group of paid people and equipped them with sticks (Sameel in Yemeni dialect) to defend the place.  There also has been a talk about the swamp, the bad smell, and lack of cleanness.

We were lucky enough to find a parking spot nearby.  We stopped, crossed the street and, there we were.  Although there were a number of police cars, we were not searched and we walked directly towards the tents.  A few men were sleeping in the side-walks, others were walking around, many with Sameels.  Most of the tents were huge.  They were marked with the names of some areas “Bani Hoshaish, Bani Al-Harith, Manakah…etc”.  They were only a few tents.  On the tents and elsewhere there was big signs talking about security and stability, and in support for the president.  A number of men were either sleeping, or sitting in each tent.  There wasn’t much activity.

The first gathering was around two nice horses.  People were taking pictures while riding the horses.  We walked around to find a man selling pictures of the president and some flags.  On the west side we found a separate group of tents.  We thought they were for other groups, so we walked around and entered. Small tents filled with small things were aligned.  It was a fair for “productive NGOs”.  Many tents were actually closed.  There were only a few people.  As a matter of fact it was only me and my friend walking in that area.

While I was walking I took a few pictures.  I was careful not to take pictures of the equipped men, those who are holding “Sameels”…  I took a few pictures of the fair.  We were about to leave the handicrafts fair when a guy dressed in traditional thawb came towards us.  He stopped me.  “What are you taking pictures of?, show me your mobile” he said.  My friend asked him who he was; he identified himself as the security officer.  He asked for our IDs, and we replied asking for his ID.  As we walked out of the fair area we were arguing.  He said “some people take pictures for Suhail Channel”.  We told him we were not here for that purpose.  We criticized him telling him we came to see what is happening, and “to support” and you don’t like it… he apologized as we were leaving the square.

Before we left we passed by a small gathering.  A person on the stage was encouraging dancers to continue “baraa”.  Nearby men were still sleeping on the side-walk, beside one of them there was an exceptionally big Sameel.  A skinny old man, who could hardly walk, passed while holding his Sameel.

Yemen's Ongoing Festival

Yemen’s Ongoing Festival

 

Feb 27, 2011

Last night was my first experience in a true Yemeni festival.  I have seen festivals in other parts of the world, and I always wished that somebody will have the courage to organize a public festival in Yemen.  When I was a kid I remember going to Al-Sabeen Square to participate in the celebrations of the 1962 revolution.  I was a public activity were thousands of people gather.  Later these celebrations changed into a government thing with no involvement of the public. 

Last night I decided to go and see what is happening in the Sit-ins in Sana’a.  I have a friend who is active in the “Pro Change” group sit-in, so I called him and there I was.

As I arrived in the street the first thing to face was the search.  I was searched by police.  The policeman looked tired, he was moving very slowly, and hardly looked at me.  After a few meters I met the first wall of young men, another, then a third one.  I went through the three walls of young men easily.    I was search in each wall by a young man.  The young men were very excited, they smiled and welcomed me.

I walked up the street.  I saw tents lined on the right and the left.  There were signs on the tents, either telling about the group; like “shabab Al-Bayda, Al-Jawf Governorate,..etc”, or saying something against the regime or the president.  The shops in the street were open and people were walking up and down the street.

A man was on a small stage chanting “Al-Shaab Yoreed Esqat Al-Nidham” with a number of people around him repeating.  Not far from there another man was giving a speech in one of the bigger tents. As a walked a group of young men were dancing, around them fans were clapping and shouting.  Other tents, small and big were quiet.  In each one of them a few people were chewing Qat, as if they were in a different world.

As I approached the center, near the “Al-Hikma” monument, there was a large crowd of people.  On the stage there was a young woman giving a speech, stopping, and chanting some anti-regime songs while the crowd were repeating.  An Egyptian revolution song was played, and then another person took the stage.  The center was the theatre of several announcements.  A Munshid (a traditional singer) said he decided to join the “revolutionists” and a member of the Shoura Council announced his resignation from the council in protest on latest developments.

I walked my way through the crowds.  It was an exceptionally pleasant experience. People were nice and polite.  They were all smiling and willing to stop and apologize when they touch me.  A few women were there.  It seems nobody was giving them a lot of attention. 

I was asking myself, then my friend about who is organizing this.  He said, they are groups of young men.  He walked me through a few small tents marked with signs; the medical committee, the media committee, the security committee, the newly established financial committee.  I also noticed that some people were collecting garbage.  After I made a comment, he said:” yes, there is a group taking care of that, but the most important group is the engineer’s group.  They are connecting electricity and helping organize things in the site.  I noticed their big tent.

As time was passing I noticed more and more people coming.  New performers were coming and new stages were forming.  It is not only young men and women, I noticed some older men, and children.  Not only they were walking around but also participating, chanting and giving speeches.   Street vendor were standing there providing snacks.

Speeches, songs, dances, meetings, discussions, and parades of young men going up and down the street, it is a true festival.  Everybody seems to be doing the thing they like.  Some were just sitting and chewing Qat.

It is a whole community, living in the streets.  Well organized, yes, everybody seems to be aware of his rights and what he could and could not do.  With thousands of people I did not hear a single dispute.   It was too ideal for me…  It was time to go as more people were coming…

Wait, next time I will take a look at the “Pro Government” group…

see this link
https://sites.google.com/site/classtemplate_en/